Keynote address by former President Thabo Mbeki during the Inaugural Professor Stan Sangweni Memorial Lecture
13 September 2025
Programme Director,
Prof Somadoda Fikeni, Chairperson of the Public Service Commission,
Other members of the Commission,
Esteemed Members of the Sangweni family,
Prof Puleng LenkaBula, Principal and Vice Chancellor of UNISA,
Distinguished members of the audience,
Friends, ladies , gentlemen and comrades:
When the esteemed Professor Stan Sangweni passed away in 2021, my wife ,
Zanele , and I were privileged to have the opportunity to communicate to his
dear wife, Mama Angela, our sister and comrade, our sincere condolences at
the loss of a true titan and co -architect of democratic South Africa.
In our message to her we said:
"We are certain that not many South Africans ever got to know what a
sparkling and priceless gem we all had in the humble and self -effacing
human being that was Stan Sangweni".
"As a people, we have had to contend with a number of strategic challenges
during the lifetime of the present generations".
"To succeed with regard to all these, always required that we had the
necessary corps of cadres who possessed the necessary skills, who were
selflessly committed to serve the people, certain of their liberation, who had
the stamina to stay on what would necessarily be a demanding course, and
who had the courage which rises with danger, which Nkosi Albert Luthuli had
spoken about…
"Among other things, the then new challenge of governing liberated South
Africa requir ed of us as a governing party that we take the necessary steps
to build a new public service, inspired by a new morality. This was
particularly important given the strategic role Government had to play in the
historic effort to eradicate the stubborn legac y of colonialism and apartheid.
"Our country was very privileged that it had Stan Sa ngweni whose
professional preparation and work experience made him stand out as the
best person to lead that process of creating the new.
"That was the reason that Profes sor Stan Sangweni served for a decade from
1999 to 2009 as the first Chairperson of the Public Service Commission
established in terms of the prescripts of the 1996 Constitution.
"To give a glimpse of what Stan Sangweni taught the public service during
the process of its renewal , let us allow him to speak out once again .
Sometime during 2001, he said:
"…unethical conduct in the workplace is largely shaped and conditioned
by such (unethical) behaviour in society. Corruption, weak leadership,
nepotism, maladministration and poor service delivery in the South
African public sector are prevalent problems , so are incidents of violent
crime , incest, gang activity , urban terrorism, farm murders and taxi
feuding in society at large. These are some of the major impediments to
our constitutional imperative for a development -oriented public
administration…
"What the public service needs, therefore, is to develop a vision which
would make ethical work practices the cornerstone of how things should
be done and strength en the ethical culture of the public service.”
Our Constitution visualises the Public Service Commission , which Professor
Sangweni led for a decade , as a critical player in the construction of a
democratic South Africa.
This feature stands out, for insta nce, where the Public Service Commission
Act which created the Commission , as prescribed by the Constitution, says:
"The Commission may inspect departments and other organisational
components in the public se rvice, and has access to such official
documen ts or may obtain such information from heads of those
departments or organisational components or from other officers in the
service of those departments or organisational components as may be
necess ary for the performance of the functions of the Commissio n under
the Constitution or the Public Service Act. "
Accordingly, essentially all State institutions are subject to supervision by
the Public Service Commission consistent with its functions as prescribed by
the Constitution and the Public Service Act.
It is important to bear in mind that already by 2001, understanding the
critical importance of its tasks, the Public Service Commission had issued a
'Code of Conduct for the Public Service ', and a n accompanying ' Explanatory
Manual' and 'Practical Guide to E thical Dilemmas in the Workplace' .
The Explanatory Manual of the Code of Conduct starts with 'The Top Ten
Values and Principles of the Public Service in South Africa', as these are
detailed in our Constitution. The document says:
"The Constitution of Sou th Africa (Chapter 10) requires that the Public
Service be …
- governed by the democratic values and principles of the Constitution;
- maintaining and promoting a high standard of professional ethics ;
- promoting efficient, economic and effective use of r esources ;
- orientated towards development ;
- delivering services impartially , fairly, equitably and without bias;
- responding to people's needs and encouraging public participation in policy matters;
- accountable for its actions;
- transparent by p roviding the public with timely, accessible and accurate information ;
- cultivating good human resource management and career development
practices to maximize human potential ; and,
- broadly representative of the South African people, with employment
and personnel management practices based on ability, objectivity, fairness,
and the need to redress the imbalances of the past. ”
Professor Sangweni and his colleagues in the Public Service Commission put
these Constitutional prescripts in the Explanatory Man ual of the Code of
Conduct of the Civil Service because they were fully convinced that these
were not mere rhetorical aspirations, but imperatives which had to inform
the construction on the new post -apartheid civil service.
The late Zola Skweyiya served as Minister of Public S ervice and
Administration from 1994 to 1999. During this period, Professor Sangweni
was a Commissioner in the Public Service Commission. Accordingly, they
worked together as close comrades as they prepared for the rebirth of the
Public Service Commission in 1999, under the new Constitutional order.
It was natural that Professor Sangweni would speak at the funeral service of
Minister Zola Skweyiya in 2018. Understandably , he used this occasion to
talk about the new civil service to wh ich he and the late Zola Skweyiya were
committed.
Once again, we should allow Professor Sangweni to speak out. Here, in part,
is what he said:
"I would like to propose that the best tribute we can pay to Cde Zola…
is a commitment on our part that we will pursue all the wonderful things
he did, he left us with, ensuring that they are done… I looked at the ugly
scenes of our people in the North West telling it in very painful terms
that service delivery has not impacted on us. But even more painful -
the vis uals showed the faces of the people , including the faces of young
boys, with bullet wounds on their faces, wounds from the guns of the
police. That is not a sight our Cde Zola would have liked to see. That is
not the sight he would have liked to see after he had given us the
flagship of service delivery, Batho Pele. It has not yet taken place on
our ground. It is a legacy that is going to live with us for years and
years… Mr President, you raised the question very pointedly - why is it
that our civil service is not embracing the Batho Pele policy. That should
not be asked of our civil servants. It should be asked of your Ministers,
the Executive. Because it is the Ministers who should create the
environment in which this policy can be implemented. It's not a slogan,
not a slogan when you say Batho Pele. It is a statement, a philosophy, a
statement of how public service delivery should be… Service delivery
must reach the people, service delivery must build our people. It's not a
question of giving things to them , giving tractors, no! We don't want to
do that. We don't want to give people food parcels, no! Cde Zola
wanted our people to be nurtured so that they could raise the means
whereby they could buy the food… And when you say Mr President… we
will be visiting , that is what you say, we will be visiting the Departments
so that we can talk to the leadership. I ask myself - what leadership will
the President find? I know you are targeting the Directors General. Mr
President, I am afraid to tell you, those Directo rs General are not
leaders. Not because they are a bunch of people who do not know what
they are doing, because they do not have the environment. These are
CEOs of a big establishment, government… The DGs are CEOs but they
have not been treated as CEOs. Th ey are messengers. In your previous
life as a trade unionist, Mr President, you remember the term s bass-
boy, spanner -boy, That is what our civil servants are, what our DGs
are… We should restore their dignity, and the dignity of the institution
that was de signated in the Constitution… I must applaud you Mr
President for the wonderful step you have taken to look for ways and
means of bringing investment in (to) our country… But I want to say Mr
President, the success of that project will not depend only on the
Ministers… But that mega -project will ride on the back of your civil
service, a civil service led by capable DGs, a civil service led by DGs
who are respected, who are given contracts, not five -year contracts.
Give your DGs tenure, Mr President, so that t hey have time to sit and
actually dig themselves into the job and make forecasts of what is going
to happen… ”
Professor Sangweni had spoken earlier in October 2004 to encourage better
understanding of the challenging role and place of the Director Genera l.
Delivering an Address at a Conference on 'Strengthening Oversight Ability
and Effectiveness of the Legislatures' , he said:
"The Weberian model of “politicians decide, officials carry out” belies the
complex environment and the many complexities that a Director -
General faces. While the Directors -General role has been variously
described as the interface, the buffer, the technician and the specialist,
what is clear is that this position is “inescapably caught between the
partisan political world of the mi nister and the national, impartial and
scientific world of the public servant ".
"This is exacerbated by a demanding environment with competing
interests and overlapping accountabilities. “The pace of change in the
public service…has been so vast and profo und that very few people
outside the public sector yet realise the depth of these changes”. There
is a myriad of stakeholders to whom they must account to. “They must
look upward to their political superiors, laterally to their administrative
peers and dow nwards to their departmental subordinate”. This does not
even take into account the independent statutory bodies they have to
account to such as the Auditor -General and the Public Service
Commission…
"As new Ministers and new Directors -General are appoint ed there needs
to be clear guidelines and orientation to assist each to understand their
respective roles."
I have quoted at some length what Professor Sangweni said at the late Zola
Skweyiya's funeral service because, in a sense, it was his farewell mess age
about what should be the standing of the civil service in our society.
And indeed everything I have said so far about the civil service is intimately
connected to that outstanding patriot, Professor Stan Sangweni.
Of course, there is a specific reas on why the high-powered professiona l and
dedica ted agent of progressive change, Professor Sangweni , was chosen to
lead the process of the re -building of the civil service under the new
conditions prescribed by the 1996 Constitution.
The reason for this wa s the expectation by the liberation mov ement of the
eminent role which the democratic State would play in terms of the creation
of the South Africa visualised in our country's Constitution.
The 1992 document of the liberation movement,
'Ready to Govern: ANC policy guidelines for a democratic South Africa '
says:
"In the context of the growth and development strategy, the role of the
state should be adjusted to the needs of the national economy in a
flexible way. The primary question in this regard is not the legal form
that state involvement in economic activity might take at any point, but
whether such actions will strengthen the ability of the economy to
respond to the massive inequalities in the country, relieve the material
hardship of the majority of the people, and stimulate economic growth
and competitiveness. "
The related 1994 'Basic guide to the Reconstruction and Development
Programme ' follows up by saying:
"To rebuild our economy we need the government to play a leading
role in promoting recon struction and development."
In November 1996, the ANC, already a governing party, issued a
Discussion Document entitled 'The State and Social Transformation '. This
document says:
"The most important current defining feature of the South African
democrati c state is that it champions the aspirations of the majority
who have been disadvantaged by the many decades of undemocratic
rule. Its primary task is to work for the emancipation of the black
majority, the working people, the urban poor, the rural poor, t he
women, the youth and the disabled. It is the task of this democratic
state to champion the course of these people in such a way that the
most basic aspirations of this majority assumes the status of hegemony
which informs and guides policy and practice of all the institutions of
government and state.
"However, there is a need to recognise that the South African
democratic state also has the responsibility to attend to the concerns of
the rest of the population which is not necessarily part of the majori ty
defined above …"
Adopted in September 2012, the National Development Plan in its Chapter
on 'Building a capable and developmental state ' says:
"This vision requires a capable and developmental state: capable in that
it has the capacity to formulate and implement policies that serve the
national interest; developmental in that those policies focus on
overcoming the root causes of poverty and inequality and building the
state's capacity to fulfil this role….,
"A developmental state brings about rapid and sustainable
transformation in a country's economic and/or social conditions through
active, intensive and effective intervention in the structural causes of
economic or social underdevelopment. Developmental states are active.
They do not simply produce r egulations and legislation …"
The current Government of National Unity, GNU, has set the building of a
capable, ethical and developmental State as one of its top three priorities. In
this regard, President Ramaphosa said on 18 July 2024:
"The third strate gic priority of the Government of National Unity is to
build a capable, ethical and developmental state.
"We will proceed with the work already underway to professionalise the
public service, ensuring that we attract into the state people with skills,
capabilities and integrity.
"We will continue to fight corruption and prevent undue political
interference in the administration of the state. "
It was in this context that, obviously, there was and continues to be a
particular focus on the civil service.
For instance, the Report on Government delivered at the 49th ANC National
Conference in December 1994 stated that with regard to the transformation
of the public service, the then GNU had been attending in particular to:
" instituting processes, inclu ding restructuring the Public Service
Training Institute, aimed at enabling the training and retraining of
public sector workers so that (it is effective in) the implementation of
the Reconstruction and development Programme; and,
" elaborating guideline s and programmes for the transformation of the
civil service as a whole so that it is non -racial, non - sexist, efficient and
responsive to the public, as visualised in the Constitution. "
For its part, the 1992 document, ' Ready to Govern …' said:
"The public service must be based on the principles of represent ativity,
competency, impartiality and accountability. For the first time we
envisage a public service that is drawn from and serves the interests of
the public as a whole."
The document on 'The State and Social Transformation ' says:
"The objectives of efficiency and high levels of productivity, and the
levels of work discipline, managerial responsibility, accountability and
responsiveness to the public interest, have to become the hallmark of
the perf ormance of the public service. Organised sections of the public
service work -force, who had been part of bringing into being the
democratic state, must provide the leadership to the rest of the public
service in upholding these norms."
The NDP also pays c lose attention to the matter of the civil service and says,
among others:
"To address the twin challenges of poverty and inequality, the state
needs to play a transformative and developmental role. This requires
well-run and effectively coordinated state institutions with skilled public
servants who are committed to the public good and capable of
delivering consistently high -quality services, while prioritising the
nation's developmental objectives…"
In the Statement the Public Service Commission, PSC, is sued when
Professor Sangweni passed away in 2021 , it said:
"He was instrumental in the fundamental redefinition and restructuring
of the traditional role of the PSC in 1996. The birth of the new PSC in
1999 led to a new era in the public administration in South Africa …He
contributed immensely to the body of work that the PSC had produced
during (the period of his Chairpersonship) … Professor Sangweni ensured
that the PSC's work and influence extends outside the borders of South
Africa… He certainly earned r espect amongst his peers both in the
African continent and in South Africa… He has shaped the PSC into a
knowledge based organization it is known for today… He has served the
PSC and South Africa with distinction… "
However, despite this correct assessment of Professor Sangweni's invaluable
work, it is true that more recently, important observations have been made
about some deficiencies in the civil service sector without which the project
to establish a capable and developmental State will fail.
In April last year, 2024, the New South Institute published a document
entitled 'Towards a Merit -based Senior Civil Service: Strategies for Reform in
South Africa' . Among other things it says:
"The current civil service system in South Africa faces a multitude of
challenges that hinder its effectiveness and efficiency …(and significantly
affect) the overall quality of public service delivery.
"One of the most pressing issues is the absence of a robust meritocratic
framework. Furthermore, the process of appointing s enior civil servants
has become increasingly politicised. Appointments are often based on
political loyalty rather than professional qualifications, undermining the
autonomy and effectiveness of the civil service.
"The high turnover rate of senior official s, driven by changes in the
political landscape, contributes to instability within the civil service…
"Addressing issues of corruption and maladministration is another
significant challenge. The lack of strong and independent oversight
mechanisms allows co rrupt practices to persist, eroding public trust in
the civil service.
"Additionally, the absence of clear and structured career pathways
discourages skilled professionals from entering and staying within the
civil service ."
Earlier this year, 2025, the Pu blic Service SETA published a Report entitled
'Public Service Skills and Competencies Needs in South Africa :
Present and the Future '.
In April the magazine ' The Conversation' published an article entitled 'South
Africa's civil servants are missing skills, especially when it comes to
technology - report' by Professor Mashupye Maserumule and others who had
participated in the pre paration of the Public Service SETA report I have just
mentioned.
The article points to the major conclusions of the SETA Report. It says:
"A transformative and developmental role (as visualised in the NDP) is
about "consistently delivering high quality services" for the good of
society.
To meet these goals, the country requires people in government with
the necessary technological skills…
"A lesson that has emerged…is that technology skills are not simply a
trend but a means to manage public affairs more effectively. Examples
of areas they ar e used in include big data, artificial intelligence and
robotics…
"The study found that most South African government officials…were
not familiar with how the technologies (of the 4th Industrial Revolution)
could be used to improve the efficiency of the s tate. In addition, officials
in government departments that interact directly with citizens lacked
the technologies and tools essential to take advantage of the new
breakthroughs in technology.
We caution in the report that as much as technology skills have helped
improve state efficiency, mainly in the global north, they can't make up
for all administrative inadequacies - including thievery from the state,
which besets South Africa's democracy.
Equally important are human cognitive skills and ethical c ompetencies.
The report found that these too were a challenge in the public service…
(The civil servants) didn't know how big data, artificial intelligence,
robotics, or the automation of public administration could be used to
improve public service. Being aware of these technologies and using
them to the maximum advantage of public administration are two
distinct things…
"The report concludes that the government needs to urgently invest in
revamping the way civil servants are trained. In particular, it must
invest in continuous professional development. While technological
capabilities are key, the report recommends that basic human skills and
competencies are equally essential. To achieve this will require the
development of a dynamic human resources sy stem."
The South Institute also addressed the long -outstanding matter of the
professionalisation of the civil service and said:
"The National Framework Towards the Professionalisation of the Public
Sector, developed by South Africa's National School of Government in
October 2022 (NSG, 2022), sets out a comprehensive plan to improve
the overall quality of the public service, including the senior civil
service. This ambitious document aims to create a public sector
characterised by skilled, ethical and committed professionals who
embody the values of the constitution…. It advocates a public sector
with the right skills, professional ethics and commitment to serving the
public, which is crucial to building a competent senior civil service
capable of effective public administration".
"However, while the framework sets out a visionary approach, it faces
challenges in practical implementation…A key issue is the lack of
specific enforcement mechanisms. "
The Public Service Commission also addressed this concern in the April/June
2023 edition of its publication, The Pulse of the Public Service , saying:
"(The success of the Professionalisation Framework) will depend on the
manner in which a comprehensive action plan for its implementation is
developed; the substant ive content thereof; and whether the requisite
commitment and cooperation is obtained from all key stakeholders. "
Earlier, in October 22, Sarah Meny -Gibert of the Public Affairs Research
Institute (PARI), had expressed the same concern, saying:
"But the crux, as always, is whether government will act on these noble
intentions, (of building a meritocratic and professional public sector that
serves the government of the day in a loyal manner but has sufficient
institutional autonomy to build and retain skil ls and be protected
against political patronage ), and whether it will do so in a way that does
indeed insulate appointment processes from patronage and instability. "
Others will say whether this concern was justified or not.
The instances we have cited s how that by and large the civil service we have
today is nowhere near the institution which Professor Sangweni and his
colleagues sought to build.
The Public Service Commission, PEC, referred to this reality in the
July/September 2019 edition of The Pulse , which said:
"Through the evaluation of the performance of departments against the
Constitutional Values and Principle s, (CPVs), the PSC has found that most
departments struggle to build a complement of leading experts in their
functional areas who can p lan and implement key policy and administrative
changes that will drive development. Departments have the skills for routine
operations but there are major gaps in efficiency, effectiveness and
development outcomes… . The skills must be accompanied by solut ion-
orientation that tallies with the needs of citizens… From the analysis of HR
Plans in the Public Service, it is clear that the real problem lies with critical
and specialist skills and the depth of those skills (and not so much the skills
needed for the routine operations of departments)."
Perhaps to cap its honest and critical assessment, in the October/December
2020 edition of The Pulse, the PSC reports that:
"In his keynote address, the Minister for Public Service and
Administration (MPSA), Mr Senzo Mchunu, emphasized the lack of
ethical leadership as one of the disheartening issues for concern. He
further flagged the significance of the National Development Plan 2030
(NDP) goal which envisages a corruption -free South Africa, including a
government t hat is accountable to its people."
As we speak about Professor Stan Sangweni today, we should perhaps admit
that he was ahead of his time , and commit ourselves to help rescue the
magnificent edifice he worked with passionate intensity to construct.
Volume 25 of The Pulse , the periodical of the Public Service Commission was
published on April/June 2023, two years after Professor Stan Sangweni sadly
passed away.
Among other things it says:
"…the public sector is a shadow of what it once was, with the cou ntry,
yet again, finding itself on the precipice of deep societal divisions,
general malfeasance and without a moral compass to place it on a path
in which the aspirations of the Constitution and the creation of a truly
capable, ethical and developmental state are realised. The reality is that
the public service in South Africa is reflective of a lack of cohesiveness,
inefficiency and ineptitude suggesting an incapability to implement a
developmental state agenda.
"In summation, South Africa's public secto r does not exhibit the
astuteness, agility, capacity or single mindedness that is driven by a
strong nationalism to do its best for the country. Although South Africa
prides itself as a constitutional democracy, its public service is not a
cohesive bureauc racy that is imbued with a common understanding of a
development state, development orientation and transformative
constitutionalism which places human rights and capability freedom at
the centre of the developmental agenda. This is perhaps the central
Achilles heel in the public service."
When our Public Service Commission made these dismal but accurate
observations , it was twelve years after the NDP had called for the building of
a capable and developmental state, and a year before our country's
Governme nt of National Unity reso lved that the building of such a capable,
ethical, and developmental State was one of its three top priorities.
As I have said elsewhere, a month after these PSC remarks, in July 2023, Dr
John Endres, CEO of the South African Inst itute of Race Relations, addressed
the Cato Institute in Washington D.C. in the USA about South Africa.
Remarkably, his prediction about the South African State was the exact
opposite of the capable and developmental State proposed by the NDP.
Here is w hat he said:
"…a state could be receding in terms of its capabilities, even while its
aspirations remain ambitious. This is the third age that South Africa is
now transitioning into, although not many have realised it yet. We call
this kind of a state the 'emasculated state' … Its declining capabilities
mean it is unable to implement its plans …
"As the state becomes less and less capable, it is being increasingly
bypassed by private actors. This process has been underway for a
considerable time already. Th ose who can afford it rely on private
healthcare and schooling, of a quality far higher than that provided by
the state. In the absence of reliable electricity from the state -owned
utility, those who can afford it install solar power on their rooftops …
"In urban areas, residents' associations are fixing potholes, while in
rural areas, farmers do the same. Civil society organisations like
Solidarity are building technical schools and universities. Trash recyclers
control traffic intersections when the light s are out. Large corporations
provide security along freight rail corridors, while mining companies
build clinics and provide housing and water near mines …
"This is where South Africa's greatest opportunity for the future is to be
found: in its innovative and resilient private sector and civil society,
which are solving problems in the growing absence of the state, and
doing so successfully. In years to come, South Africa may well become
a case study of how private initiative succeeds where states fail. An d in
future, South Africa could end up with an enabling, compact state - or
a 'lean state' which cooperates with non -state actors instead of trying
to stifle their efforts - with valuable lessons even for the developed
world. "
It would seem to me that we must at least try to understand how this
dichotomy came to be , such that a national consensus could emerge about
the need for a capable , developmental State, w ith the necessary highly
effective civil service, and end up, if Dr Endres is right, with a lean State
with a small civil service tied down by routine administrative tasks.
In this context I would like to quote prescient words spoken by then
President Nelson Mandela in 1994. Here is part of what he said in the
Political Report he delivered at the 49th ANC National Conference in
December of that year.
"While we have achieved support across the board for the RDP, we have
to contend with rear -guard resistance from the parties of apartheid and
white privilege, from influential elements within the civil s ervice and the
security establishment. In addition, the networks which ran Low
Intensity Conflict continue to exist. These include agents infiltrated into
the ANC and the rest of the democratic movement, universities, the
media and other institutions.
"Within government, the litany of corruption, self -enrichment, and a
lop-sided skills base within departments is only now coming to the
open, exposing the decay of an NP edifice that presented itself as
efficient; as well as the rampant pillaging of public fu nds in the last days
of apartheid rule. "
President Mandela was more than correct when he said that "the networks
which ran Low Intensity Conflict continue to exist ."
Not only did they continue to exist, now the counter -revolution, they also
continued to act within the changed circumstances of the existence of a
democratic South Africa , but without changing their strategic objective.
Their strategic objective remained the defeat of the ANC and its programme ,
which the ANC described as the National Democr atic Revolution.
To achieve these objectives, the counter -revolution has engaged in a multi -
faceted strategy which included targeting the State machinery, including the
State -owned enterprises, the State departments, including those of the
criminal justice system, the economy and international relations.
A recent issue of the economic journal, 'Daily Investor' published an article
on the South African economy with the sub -heading:
"South Africa's economy is imploding, with key industries falling one by one
like a set of dominoes after 15 years of mismanagement and poor
government policy. "
This reference to '15 years' reflects exactly the latter period since 1994
when the counter -revolutionary interventions had the greatest impact. It
applies not only to t he economy, but also other aspects of the South African
reality.
I am certain that in good time detailed information will be available showing
what the counter -revolution has done, following the example set by the
Judicial Commission on SARS, chaired by Ju stice Robert Nugent.
To give just one indication of how elements of the counter -revolution work,
let me cite one interesting episode in one of the Reports of the Justice
Zondo's Commission of inquiry into State Capture.
This was when the Commission inter viewed the now late Jabu Mabuza
concerning his period in the leadership of Eskom , as reported in the Report
on 'The Capture of Eskom' . The Report says:
"The late Mr Jabu Mabuza, who was Chairman of the 2018 Eskom Board,
concluded his evidence with the obs ervation that there had previously been
within Eskom a culture of corrupt practices, mismanagement and
malfeasance that had been inculcated within Eskom by certain individuals
over a period of time…This was clearly a pervasive culture and was
sanctioned fr om within the Board, the executive and senior management."
It is unfortunate that the Commission did not probe deeply into this
phenomenon of " a culture of corrupt practices, mismanagement and
malfeasance that had been inculcated within Eskom by certain i ndividuals
over a period of time ".
What Jabu Mabuza helped us greatly to understand the practices to which
democratic South Africa would be exposed.
Earlier I quoted what President Mandela said thirty -one years ago, in 1994,
that:
"Within government, the litany of corruption, self -enrichment, and a lop -
sided skills base within departments is only now coming to the open,
exposing the decay of an NP edifice that presented itself as efficient; as well
as the rampant pillaging of public funds in the last d ays of apartheid rule."
What Jabu Mabuza told the Zondo Commission about entrenched corruption
in Eskom was sufficient warning that what Nelson Mandela reported in 1994
as a legacy of the apartheid order would be replicated under the democratic
order.
This is exactly what has happened.
On 15 September 2021, Afrobarometer published a report entitled " South
Africans see corruption as worsening during President Ramaphosa's tenure ".
(Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 476). The summary read:
"New Afrobarometer survey findings from 2021 mirror the headlines:
Not only do South Africans believe that corruption is getting worse, but
they also see large portions of elected officials and civil servants as
involved in corrupt activities. Society says the government is hand ling
the anti -corruption fight badly, while channels to report corruption are
increasingly seen as unsafe."
This correctly reflects the reality that, indeed, significant sections among the
civil service are indeed involved in corrupt practices.
Then Mini ster of Public Service and Administration, Mr Senzo Mchunu,
'emphasi sed the lack of ethical leadership as one of the disheartening issues
for concern. '
I am sad to say that if we conducted serious lifestyle audits today among the
civil service in all thre e spheres of Government, as we should, we would find
extensive involvement in corrupt activities, both big and small.
A Discussion Document issued by the Public Service Commission in 2014 on
"Building a Capable, Career -Oriented and Professional Public Ser vice to
Underpin a Capable and Developmental State in South Africa ", says:
"…even the best policies will fail in the absence of capable state
institutions. And to succeed, capable state institutions have to be led by
a purposeful and nationalistic politic al and administrative leadership
that is committed to pursuing a developmentalist agenda. In the
absence of a purposeful political leadership, it is near impossible to build
a capable administrative leadership and effective bureaucracy able to
systematical ly develop and implement policy tools to realise the
developmental objectives set by political leaders. This therefore means
that, in thinking of a developmental state, politics and political
institutions matter."
Correctly, in its Chapter on ' Building a capable and developmental state ', the
National Development Plan (NDP) says:
"To address the twin challenges of poverty and inequality, the state
needs to play a transformative and developmental role. "
Given the hard reality in our country of levels of poverty and inequality
which speak to miserable lives for millions of our people, and conscious of
the vital importance of the developmental State to help defeat these
scourges, it is inevitable that, like Professor Sangweni, we must dream and
work for the “ capable administrative leadership and effective bureaucracy
able to systematically develop and implement policy tools to realise the
developmental objectives set by political leaders ” which the Public Service
Commission wrote about.
However, as I come tow ards the end of this Lecture, I must state this frankly
that our reality is that sections of our public service have been corrupted and
represent the exact opposite of what Professor Sangweni and his colleagues
at the PSC worked hard and in a principled wa y to achieve.
Speaking again frankly, I must say that it is difficult to believe that the
political conditions exist for us to bring into existence the capable, ethical
and developmental State which the NDP and the PSC, and indeed the
President of the Rep ublic have spoken about.
Much will have to be done to avoid the dismal reality of the 'emasculated
state' which Dr John Endres spoke about.
Indeed, this will be one of the major tasks of the forthcoming National
Dialogue, realistically to show the way fo rward towards the creation of the
capable and ethical developmental State.
To achieve this , we will have to draw on the inspiring example set by
Professor Sangweni as he worked hard and in a principled manner to build a
public service that was truly fit for the purpose of the fundamental
transformation of our country.
It will also certainly be the case that we should also draw on the courage
which Professor Sangweni and his dear wife, Mama Angela, showed when
they joined other ve terans of our struggle to sign the 2017 document, "For
the sake of our future", which said:
We all have an obligation to ensure that our movement continues its
commitment to serve the people of South Africa, consistent with the
objectives of the ANC as represented by the leaders under whom many of us
(veterans and stalwarts of the ANC) served, such as Inkosi Albert Luthuli,
Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela…
(The leadership must) ensure that all members of the ANC are part of a
movement that is a servant of the people and not an instrument for self -
enrichment and corrupt practices…
"As veterans and stalwarts of the revolutionary movement we are obliged to
oppose the counter -revolution which is being promoted by some of the key
leaders of our movement, in the name of the ANC and ou r government. We
restate our commitment to save the ANC from the clutches of those who are
bent on destroying our movement and discrediting it in the face of the
people of South Africa and the world. "
Thank you for your attention .
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